By Socratez Sofyan Yoman ~

The people of Indonesia outside Papua are clearly confused and keep
asking: Why have indigenous Papuans never recognized and accepted the
Act of Free Choice (Pepera) of 1969 but have consistently opposed the
history of integration of West Papua into Indonesian territory? Do the
people of West Papua of Melanesian ethnicity misunderstand Papua’s
integration into Indonesia?

These questions are not easy to answer as they involve a long struggle
and journey. In the terminology of the Indonesian Institute of
Sciences (LIPI), it is the Papua road map. The book published by LIPI,
titled Papua Road Map: Negotiating the Past, Improving the Present and
Securing the Future, contains findings of the root problems actually
faced and questioned by the Papuan people so far.

This book has discovered and formulated four basic issues in Papua:
(1) the history and political status of Papua; (2) state violence and
human rights violations (3) marginalization of indigenous people; (4)
discriminative development. This formulation offers room and
opportunity to the Papuans and the central government to sit together
for negotiation, mediation, communication and dialogue to propose
options for a solution with elegance, dignity and equality.

However, in my view, the four problems found by the team of LIPI
actually stem from a single root cause only: the history of Papuan
integration into Indonesian territory through Pepera 1969, which was
carried out in West Papua on the basis of the Indonesian system of
consultation. This Indonesian method differed from the New York
Agreement of Aug. 15, 1962 signed by the UN, the US, Holland and
Indonesia that Pepera 1969 was to be realized through the
international mechanism of one man one vote.

In the process of Papuan integration into Indonesia, the Indonesian
military played a major and important role before, during and after
Pepera 1969. An official telegram from Col. Soepomo, then the
Tjenderawasih XVII Regional Military commander, dated Feb. 20, 1967,
based on a radiogram of the Army Commander dated Feb. 7, 1967, said in
anticipation of the 1969 referendum in West Irian (Papua): “Intensify
all activities in relevant fields intensified by utilizing all
material and personnel strengths of the Army as well as the other
forces. Strictly follow the guideline provided. The 1969 referendum in
West Irian must be won, must be won. Strategic and vital materials
must be safeguarded. Minimize the loss of our troops by reducing
static posts. This letter is an order to be executed. Make
coordination in the best possible way.”

Christofelt L. Korua, a retired police officer and eyewitness, said
“the Papuans casting their votes in Pepera 1969 were determined by
Indonesian officials and while the chosen people were in their rooms
they were tightly guarded by Indonesian soldiers and policemen.”
(Interview by the writer in Jayapura, Dec. 11, 2002). “On July 14,
1969, Pepera started with 175 consultative council members for
Merauke. On the occasion, a large troop of Indonesian soldiers
attended…” (Official report of the UN: Annex 1, paragraphs 189-200).

Most members of Pepera 1969 were people coming from Menado, Toraja,
Batak, Ambon/Maluku, and Buton. It was proven by the 59 pro-Indonesia
statements in the present UN document. The US Ambassador to Indonesia
in 1969 said “95 percent of indigenous Papuans wanted to have freedom”
and Sudjarwo Tjondronegoro, the Indonesian team leader to the Act of
Free Choice, acknowledged “many Papuans might not wish to stay with
Indonesia”.

Dr. Fernando Ortiz Sanz, the UN representative supervising the Pepera,
in his official report at the UN General Assembly in1969 said “The
majority of Papuan people indicated their desire to break away from
Indonesia and support the idea of founding a Free Papua State.” (UN
Doc. Annex I, A/7723, paragraph, 243, p. 47).

What is clear and certain is that the outcome of Pepera has invited
strong criticism and protests that continue today. Some noted
historians like J.P. Drooglever and Hans Meijer have also discovered
in their research that Pepera was steeped in orchestration so that
Papuan people’s free choice ended in falsehood while a group of voters
under considerable duress apparently voted to absolutely support
Indonesia.

US Congressman Eni F.H. Faleomavaega was among the initiators of an
international movement demanding a review of Pepera in Papua. Along
with fellow Congressman Donald Payne, Faleomavaega sent a letter to UN
Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon in February 2008, requesting a repeat
referendum in Papua. Pressures and demands for an assessment of the
political status of have also come from the parliaments of Britain,
the European Union and Ireland.

Considering such root issues in the history of Papuan integration into
Indonesia with all the orchestration and falsehood, it is a necessity
to seek a settlement with the prospect of fostering peace, dignity and
humanity between indigenous Papuans and the Indonesian government.

Therefore, the idea of a Jakarta-Papua dialogue between the Indonesian
government and the indigenous people of Papua should be supported by
all components of society. The dialogue of peace in this context
should mean an unconditional talk mediated by a neutral third party
like the Jakarta-Aceh dialogue that ended decades of rebellion in the
western-most province in 2005.

The unconditional talk here should imply a dialogue without speaking
of a free Papua and a unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia. It
means an honest dialogue on an equal footing that should apply a new
framework toward straightening out the history of Papuan integration
into Indonesia.

Without the new framework, this paradox will never find a
comprehensive and dignified way of resolution. For this reason, the
talk should deal with the Papuan problems with pure conscience and
clear minds in order to arrive at a settlement that creates lasting
peace for the future of Indonesia and indigenous Papuans. The dialogue
is an initial step to negotiate the past, improve the present and
secure the future of Papuan people.

The writer is chairman of the Papuan Baptist Church Alliance.

The Jakarta Post
Friday, March 18, 2011

Culled from TAPOL: tapol@gn.apc.org